The 26th NISPAcee Annual Conference

Conference photos available

Conference photos available

In the conference participated 317 participants

Conference programme published

Almost 250 conference participants from 36 countries participated

Conference Report

The 28th NISPAcee Annual Conference cancelled

The 29th NISPAcee Annual Conference, Ljubljana, Slovenia, October 21 - October 23, 2021

The 2020 NISPAcee On-line Conference

The 30th NISPAcee Annual Conference, Bucharest, Romania, June 2 - June 4, 2022

An opportunity to learn from other researchers and other countries' experiences on certain topics.

G.A.C., Hungary, 25th Conference 2017, Kazan

Very well organised, excellent programme and fruitful discussions.

M.M.S., Slovakia, 25th Conference 2017, Kazan

The NISPAcee conference remains a very interesting conference.

M.D.V., Netherlands, 25th Conference 2017, Kazan

Thank you for the opportunity to be there, and for the work of the organisers.

D.Z., Hungary, 24th Conference 2016, Zagreb

Well organized, as always. Excellent conference topic and paper selection.

M.S., Serbia, 23rd Conference 2015, Georgia

Perfect conference. Well organised. Very informative.

M.deV., Netherlands, 22nd Conference 2014, Hungary

Excellent conference. Congratulations!

S. C., United States, 20th Conference 2012, Republic of Macedonia

Thanks for organising the pre-conference activity. I benefited significantly!

R. U., Uzbekistan, 19th Conference, Varna 2011

Each information I got, was received perfectly in time!

L. S., Latvia, 21st Conference 2013, Serbia

The Conference was very academically fruitful!

M. K., Republic of Macedonia, 20th Conference 2012, Republic of Macedonia

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 Paper/Speech Details of Conference Program  

for the  19th NISPAcee Annual Conference
  Program Overview
Health Care, Health Reforms and Their Implementation
Author(s)  Tatiana Chubarova 
  Lomonosov Moscow State University
Moscow  Russian Federation
none 
 
 Title  Patterns of health care reforms in economies under transition: A case of Russia
File   Paper files are available only for conference participants, please login first. 
Presenter 
Abstract  
  
Health care reforms in Russia have 20 years history but still the situation in Russian health care is often described as a crisis one. There is still no agreement between experts what the Russian health care model should look like with quite opposite opinions expressed in the debates. It should be noted that problems of population health and its protection have a significant social and political importance in the Russian society.
The Russian health care crisis has three dimensions, namely:
• the poor population health status and the poor state of health care system;
• worsening demographic situation and economic consequences of poor health;
• social and moral problems that include the equity of health care system on one hand and people’ s feelings and confidence, on the other hand.
It is suggested in the paper that one of the reasons of the poor health of the Russian population and poor functioning of the Russian health care is the way the reforms are developed and implemented and also the assumptions on which they are based on. Russian health care reforms seem to become an endless process that never reaches the stated goals.
The main characteristics of any health care model largely depend on the role of the state in both financing and providing health care. Today in Russia so called liberal approaches definitely dominate that consider welfare state to be a burden for the economy. As a result the public-private mix changes and health is considered to be primary the responsibility of an individual. This results in the low state health care expenditures, introduction of co payments and expansion of private health services.
To understand these developments it is necessary to bear in mind two myths and two paradoxes of Russian health reforms which though are not stated explicitly nevertheless inform health policy decisions. The first myth is that private provision of health care is always better that the state one. The second myth tells that rich people always prefer to pay for health care. But Russian health policy also contains two paradoxes that are not always easy to explain. First, the government insists that there are little state funds that can be allocated for health but it chooses the insurance model that is more expensive that national health service model. Second, the governments definitely tries to save budget money at any cost but it does not seem to care about how much money people will spend out of their pockets for health care and if they can do this at all taking into account a widespread poverty.
But the author suggests that inequality is the main threat to health care system that is not properly addressed by the reforms. The scale of inequality in Russian society – the Gini coefficient is 0,43 — is well documented. Recently several studies have appeared that investigated the influence on inequity of health status and access to health care, including gender inequality. There is a real danger that such inequality would ruin the unified system of health care and Russia might end up with two separate sub-systems—one for rich people who can pay and another for poor people for free.
The story about Russian health reforms demonstrates that in designing health reforms especially those carried out in times of great changes in society it is necessary to place health into the wider societal context. Besides, the importance of the government sector that itself has a potential to improve its performance should not be underestimated.