The 26th NISPAcee Annual Conference

Conference photos available

Conference photos available

In the conference participated 317 participants

Conference programme published

Almost 250 conference participants from 36 countries participated

Conference Report

The 28th NISPAcee Annual Conference cancelled

The 29th NISPAcee Annual Conference, Ljubljana, Slovenia, October 21 - October 23, 2021

The 2020 NISPAcee On-line Conference

The 30th NISPAcee Annual Conference, Bucharest, Romania, June 2 - June 4, 2022

An opportunity to learn from other researchers and other countries' experiences on certain topics.

G.A.C., Hungary, 25th Conference 2017, Kazan

Very well organised, excellent programme and fruitful discussions.

M.M.S., Slovakia, 25th Conference 2017, Kazan

The NISPAcee conference remains a very interesting conference.

M.D.V., Netherlands, 25th Conference 2017, Kazan

Thank you for the opportunity to be there, and for the work of the organisers.

D.Z., Hungary, 24th Conference 2016, Zagreb

Well organized, as always. Excellent conference topic and paper selection.

M.S., Serbia, 23rd Conference 2015, Georgia

Perfect conference. Well organised. Very informative.

M.deV., Netherlands, 22nd Conference 2014, Hungary

Excellent conference. Congratulations!

S. C., United States, 20th Conference 2012, Republic of Macedonia

Thanks for organising the pre-conference activity. I benefited significantly!

R. U., Uzbekistan, 19th Conference, Varna 2011

Each information I got, was received perfectly in time!

L. S., Latvia, 21st Conference 2013, Serbia

The Conference was very academically fruitful!

M. K., Republic of Macedonia, 20th Conference 2012, Republic of Macedonia

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 Paper/Speech Details of Conference Program  

for the  14th NISPAcee Annual Conference
  Program Overview
I. Working Group on Politico-Administrative Relations
Author(s)  Gabriele Burbulyte-Tsiskarishvili 
  Klaipeda University
Klaipeda  Lithuania
 
 
 Title  Implementing governance in politico-administrative relations: the case of Lithuania
File   Paper files are available only for conference participants, please login first. 
Presenter 
Abstract  
  
Governance has become a very broadly used term recently meaning the stronger interdependence among different institutions, covering the non-state actors as well. Usually it implies two important levels of the world political processes that are supposed to be the most powerful non-state actors – i.e. the local and the global. The processes of the EU integration, however, made possible to connect this new dimension with the national state government system. Traditional politico-administrative relations were challenged very deeply. They had to accede to the supra-national political and administration systems of the EU. Pressure from the sub-national actors and institutions became stronger as never before as well. The process might be the logic sequence of the development for the mature Western democracies. The East and Central European countries, however, face lots of difficulties while implementing the new dimension of governance.
Lithuania is a good example of the problems that accompany country during integration into the EU. As the notion of governance implies the cooperation of many different actors and institutions, the empirical research of Lithuania’s governmental development shows how differently and even awry this cooperation is understood. The main institutions that clash in the processes of national governance are President, PM, and the Cabinet. However, namely the institutions of President and PM sometimes try to duplicate each others authority. It has a very strong influence upon senior administration. and unbalances the politico-administrative relations by making administration over-politicized.
Therefore paper deals with all these issues as following:
The first part is dedicated for the brief review of the main governance institutions, their development. E.g. until the adoption of the new Constitution in 1992, great debates twisted around the question which regime – presidential (as in the pre-war years) or parliamental (as in many Western democracies) – to choose. The semi-presidential model was chosen. Nonetheless, in 1998 the Constitutional court explained that according to the Constitution, Lithuania is a parliamental country with the expanded powers of the President.
The second part analyses institutional powers and authority in politico-administrative relations, namely the core executive and the senior administration relations during the integration process into the EU. Some sharpest examples of the clash could be seen in the PM’s efforts to establish advisory bodies resembling institutions that belong to the President’s authority (thus trying to control the executives who were appointed by the different political stream); a few reasons of the former president’s impeachment lurked in his efforts not only to affect the work of bureaucracy – he tried to establish an institution duplicating the powers of local governance; despite that the President, together with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, is responsible for the country’s foreign policy, institution that coordinated all the EU integration process belonged to the Cabinet (interesting, that in 1996 – 1998 there functioned the Ministry of European Affairs), right now this institution is demolished, all the powers concerning the EU issues are distributed for three ministries, though almost every governance institution has a department for the European issues; etc.
The third part concludes the research by highlighting the main obstacles for the dimension of governance in Lithuania.