A Research Protocol for the NISPAcee Working Group of Politico-Administrative Relations

 

 

 

Bureaucrats and Politics: Expanding the Analysis

 

 

 

1. INTRODUCTION

 

NISPAcee Working Group of Politico-Administrative Relations has since its existence concentrated on the relationships between career public servants and elected politicians, and has analysed the meaning of the career public service during rapid political transition. The Working Group has made significant progress in understanding these relationships in Central and Eastern European countries, published several books on these issues, and developed the on-going research agenda for empirical research on these topics.  We have had well-attended  and successful sessions at each of the NISPAcee meetings, and also have established a functioning network of scholars concerned with these issues.  That network links scholars in Central and Eastern Europe with many in Western Europe and North America.

 

 

2. RESEARCH FOCUS OF THE WORKING GROUP

 

While not abandoning in any way the concern for the interactions of politicians and bureaucrats, the study group is now moving on to look at other dimensions of political interaction for the public bureaucracy. In particular, we are interested in the relationship between bureaucrats (both individually, and collectively through their ministries and other public sector organizations) --and actors in the civil society.  As well as responding upward to their ministers, civil servants must also be responsive to their clients, and to the public in general.  The job of the civil servant therefore often becomes one of balancing a number of political pressures, and finding his or her own way among those pressures. The style of governing, often described as governance, in many societies has become one of involving networks based on civil society organizations in the process of governing (Pierre and Peters, 2000;  Torfing, 2003).  Therefore, it is necessary to understand better how these interactions work, and how they interact with civil servants and the remainder of government in governing.

 

As the civil society in Central and Eastern European countries has gradually developed, the relationships between bureaucracy and societal actors have become an essential part of political bargaining and its importance in shaping policy has been increasing.  Particularly, societal organizations are becoming become much more important for the implementation of public policies, as vanities of partnership and cooperative arrangements for implementation are developed.   The development of civil society actors has been slow in many countries in Central and Eastern Europe, but in many there is now a more vibrant organizational life that can support an independent relationship with government.  In others, where there is as yet a poorly developed civil society, government may itself play a role in fostering organizations outside government.  Not only is this conceived of as part of the general process of democratization but these groups can be of substantial benefit to government.

 

Similarly to the relationships between political leaders and top civil servants, the interaction between societal actors and bureaucrats tends to be political.  The political dimension of these relationships s less often about the virtues or fortunes of one political party or another, but is more likely to be concerned with the characteristics of a particular policy that may benefit or harm the group in question. The political contacts between the state and the society thus provide means for expressing and pushing demands into the government sphere of activity.

 

These relationships between government and civil society actors can also be used for legitimating policy programs, especially when the political parties are not as institutionalized as they would need to be in order to function as effective links between the state and the society.  To be effective in a democracy public policies must  be legitimated by some connection with the “people”.  When political parties are poorly organized or so numerous in a coalition that the connection to the public is tenuous then groups can become an important source of legitimacy.  That having been said, however, there is the danger that segments of the public sector may be captured by particular private interests, so that connections with groups in society must be seen as one of several alternative mans of legitimation.

 

Additionally, interest groups and other societal actors can function as a source of necessary expert information and advice, supplementing the knowledge which is available inside the bureaucracy.  Many government, whether in Central or Eastern Europe or not do not have the capacity to monitor their societies and collect all the relevant information for making policy.  Even in information rich systems societal groups can provide a range of personal knowledge and experience that might otherwise be unavailable to policymakers.  Therefore the involvement of groups with policy makers can be an important source of improvement in policy.  Again, however, that optimism about the role of societal actors must be tempered with some concern about the openness of the process to a range of inputs from the society.

 

Finally, these relationships can be tools for engaging private sector into policy implementation process. For instance, the involvement of the groups is often essential in the areas of economic/business regulation.  Government may be able to regulate but would do so at a much greater cost than if the relevant groups performed some of the activities on behalf of the State.  This pattern is also found for agriculture in many countries.   Not only is it important for legitimating, but also for achieving and promoting effectiveness in policy-making process. In other words, relationships between the governmental and societal organizations can fulfill a number of important political functions.

 

 

Importance of Networks

 

Another important feature of the political interactions between state and society is that rather than there being individual organizations involved the common pattern is becoming one of multiple groups relating to one another as well as to government in a network, or community, structure.  While the exact meaning of terms such as network and community is debated (see   )   it is clear that there are increasing numbers of groups involved in all policy areas and that they interact with each other as well as with government.  Especially in countries with a history of a dominant public sector the tendency is for government organizations to serve as the core of these network, but the individual organizations in civil society can and do play crucial roles in these increasingly formalized structures of interaction.

 

Politically networks can be crucial because they may involve a range of actors and hence a range of opinions and interests within each policy area.  We have noted above that an important political problem arising from the involvement of civil society groups in the policy process is that of “capture” of the process by those interests.  This may be especially the case because the countries of Central and Eastern Europe have not been accustomed to this type of involvement and will not have the routines and procedures in place to help minimize that capture.  Therefore, developing network structures are important for opening the political system to a wider variety of inputs than might be feasible otherwise. 

 

The absence of an extensive experience in coping with group politics and with networks may make the management of networks all the more difficult.  One critique of networks as a participant in the political process is that they tend to be indeterminate, and if they are inclusive of a range of interests then actually making decisions may be difficult.  Therefore, we will need to understand how any networks that are associated with policy making in these countries manage to make decisions and what the explicit or implicit rules for arriving at decisions may be. 

 

Further, we will expect differences in the nature and behavior of networks as a function of the nature of the policy areas in question.  For example, policy areas that are highly technical may be expected to have fewer groups involved, but those groups may be able to influence the final decisions more than could larger networks of more conflicting interests.  Likewise, policy areas that are more central to the role of the state in society, e.g. taxation or justice, may have less capacity for influence by social interests than will those policies in which the State plays a less dominant role.

 

 

Importance of civil servants

 

As the evidence from Western Europe, North America, and other long-standing democratic systems indicates, there are a number of possible patterns of relationship between bureaucracy and societal organizations, including political parties as well as what would conventionally be considered to be interest groups.  For example, some of them can be characterized as clientela relationships[1] involving close symbiotic connections between the limited number of organizations and the governmental organization (or perhaps even a single powerful bureaucrat). This pattern of relationship tends not to be partisan or ideological so much as it is a product of close working relationships and general agreement on policy.  Such a relationship would not permit much room for the networks mentioned above, given that a network would break the virtual monopoly that the client organization would have invested a great deal of energy in developing.  In Central and Eastern Europe, given that these groups may have been rather late in emerging, the close symbiotic relationship implied in clientela relationship may simply be the product of the limited number of groups that have been contending for influence.

 

In other cases the relationships can be based on the common allegiances of bureaucrats and interest group leaders associated with political parties; also described as parantela relationships.   This is most common in the case of labor and social democratic parties that have strong links with unions and other employee organizations.  The same sort of linkage may be found for some agrarian parties with farming and rural organizations.  The parntela linkages are perhaps even more important for linking state and society that are clientala given that they may provide a direct linkage with parties and therefore a direct connection with the political system.

 

Alternatively, the relationships between the interest groups and the bureaucracy may be broadly legitimate, where a wide range of interest groups have access to the government and can influence policy.  These legitimate interactions may, in turn, may be conducted through policy networks or corporatist structures discussed above, or through other officially sanctioned forms of involvement.  In any case these linkages, by virtue of their being open and having some degree of countervailing power, will present relatively less challenge to conventional democratic control over policy than can the more exclusive forms of linkage described above.

 

There has yet been little comparative, systematic and focused research on the relationships of interest groups, non-governmental organizations, labor unions, and the host of other civil society organizations with the public bureaucracy in the CEE countries. In many post-communist countries, there has been a substantial interest in the development of civil society and its connections with political and representative institutions (such as parties, parliaments), but much less attention has been paid to links with the bureaucracy.  Further, little work has been done on the nature of policy networks in these countries.  We know little about the way in which these networks are formed and the ways in which they function.  We know perhaps even less about the role that the civil service has played in the formation of these structures (as well as some of the organizations that may be involved), and the impact that this will have on the performance and legitimacy of the structures.

 

In all the above patterns of relationship between the state and society we would, however, hypothesize that civil servants would play crucial roles as linkages between the state and the society.  Here, as well as in their linkages with clients of their programs, civil servants are generally at the interface between the world of official decision-making and the society.  Further, as we have argued above, it is often in the interest of civil servants and their organizations to have these close linkages to social actors.  Finally, civil servants may have to be the animateurs of networks and other linkages;  in societies in which autonomous action within society was blocked for generations it may be too much to expect a great deal of spontaneous formation of groups, and given that the groups are important for administrative as well as democratic reasons the civil service may become a major actor in this field.

 

 

3. COUNTRY STUDIES

 

The focus of the Working Group for the 11th NISPAcee Annual conference in 2003, and for several subsequent meetings of the working group, will be the description and the analysis of these patterns of relationships in Central and Eastern European countries.  While there are a number of possible points of departure for the analysis, we are particularly interested in research that will describe, in analytic terms, the patterns of interactions between socio-economic interest groups and the public bureaucracy in these countries.  The general purpose of this research will be to map the most important political relationships that exist around the government organizations, and to examine the influence of those relationships on the formation and the implementation of public policies.

 

The papers prepared for each of the countries should be a careful case study of concrete process of the policy formation or reform, preferably a comparison of different periods in 1990s. Country studies may also compare two cases to demonstrate the variety of state-society interactions existing in different policy sectors. In the latter case the papers should analyze policies during the same period, or perhaps periods. The analysis can be based on public discourse in the media, interviews with the participants, official records of government and parliamentary sessions or meetings of commissions, seminars etc.  In general we are open to any research method that is capable of illuminating the emerging patterns of interaction between state and society in these countries.  If faced with a relative absence of empirical data in the short run do not hesitate to prepare preliminary investigations making us of the data that may be available, and using that preliminary data to make hypotheses that may be testable if and when more complete data becomes available. 

 

The papers should consist of the following six substantial parts. (If necessary for achieving logical consistency of the text, these sections can be reordered or combined, but all the substantial topics should be included).   These sections are:

 

 

1.      Brief description of background events and actors that caused the necessity to initiate the new policy or the reform.  Description of conceptual core and context of the policy formation processes within the country in general (4-5 pages). Description of formal legal and structural arrangement should be kept as short as possible, and should focus on the factors that make the individual case distinctive

 

 

2.      Analysis of stakeholders. (4+ pages) Stakeholders could be divided into several groups that a priori were more or less involved into the policy process:

(a) politicians, who might act primarily as members of the party, members of the government / the parliament commission (also through the other channels);

(b) top civil servants (including when possible any evidence about their political affiliations and  their expertise and/or involvement in the policy area;

(c) rank-and-file civil servants as specialists in the relevant area (there could be other specific groups of civil servants, for instance, from local government)—how does information and advice flow within the organization, and are there close links between lower echelon civil servants and their clients;

(d) professionals (for instance university professors, researchers, consulting companies)---how open is the political process to influence from these experts or does the State attempt to remain more autonomous, and how is the role of expertise structured in the process;

(e)  interest groups (with different intentions and interest),

(f)  target groups of the policy—are the clients organized (especially relevant for social policies in which the clients may be difficult to organize,

(g)  interest or pressures from foreign stakeholders—this should include the role of donors and NGOs that may be attempting to organize civil society organizations and which may have their own particular visions of the desirable future of the country in question;

(i)    media—are the media autonomous from government and from political parties, or do they all have a stake of some sort in the outcomes of the process

(j) others.

 

Each of these stakeholders has its own interests and goals within the policy areas that concern it. But the interests of some categories of actors may also converge;  for instance interest groups might well also be the target groups of the policy. We intend to focus on the policy process at the stage where politicians and /or civil servants play key roles in shaping decisions. I.e. the interest and specific goals of the civil society stakeholders involved in the process should be clearly related to the interests and roles of politicians and civil servants (with various its subgroups in the policy area).  In addition, attention should also be paid on the existence of networks of interest groups and other civil society organizations that may interact among themselves in shaping policies.  More specifically, the aims of this portion of the research are to:

 

ü      Identification of participating actors and groups inside the public sector and in the civil society; in other words – mapping the policy network around the policy.

ü      Understanding the interests and aims of the stakeholders.

ü      Analysis of the historical and social background of these interests and aims, and the emergence of more democratic and “modern” forms of interaction between state and society in these countries.

 

 

3.      Analysis of the organization and the external as well as internal identity of the stakeholders. (3-4 pages).  Presumably the ways in which these groups are organized will vary across policy areas as well as across countries. One sector of the groups and their networks could be well institutionalized and have some kind of official organization, membership, lobbying strategies etc.  Another part of the universe of stakeholders may be loosely organized (for instance having no official organization, they may come together in some sort of loosely structured meetings or workgroups—especially true for networks). Alternatively, loosely organized actors might be represented as a coherent group of core actors; professionals who can act as equal partners at the sufficient professional level in comparison of well organized and financed groups. Some groups and interests could not be organized and might be represented by other groups of stakeholders, i.e. civil servants themselves. How can the stakeholders publicly assert their interest and identity? Especially interesting could be the analysis of interrelations between these groups, if they form permanent networks, policy communities, corporatist structures etc.  Many of the same questions asked of individual groups could be applied to the collections of groups.

 

Topics to be includedwill be:

 

1)      Types of Actors

2)      Degree of Organization (membership, funds, etc.)

3)      Formalization of Network structures (as in(2))

4)      Other measures of activity (newsletters, media campaigns, etc.)

 

 

4.      Channels of involvement (3-4 pages) of civil society groups in the political process may also be highly varied, again across policy areas as well as across countries.  The principal  differences will be expected to exist between official channels of influence (commissions, think-tanks, conferences etc.) and unofficial meetings (lunches, back-door meetings etc).

 

The other important characteristic could be openness (free access) or closeness of these channels to various stakeholders. Open channels presume free participation of the groups in the political process, often without special invitation or through broad permanent advisory bodies that may change their membership and even activities, dependent upon interest of various stakeholders.  For instance, educational forum for the development of education policy or roundtable of national minorities at the President of Estonia has this degree of openness, but in other cases education remains dominated by official actors.  The relevant forum could also be the roundtable in the media, ministerial meetings in the regions etc. Closed channels of participation presume intentional restriction of members either because of reasons of rationality of policymaking locus (government commissions) or because of necessity of confidentiality (unofficial meetings of the cabinet) or with the aim intentionally to restrict access. Between these two ends of the continuum we could see a tremendous variety of involvement of stakeholders in the policy process.

 

This section of the national paper should be an attempt to identify and assess how social actors become involved in the policy process, as well as the extent of that involvement.  It should contain elements such as:

 

1)      The degree of formalization of access

2)      Type of access structure, e.g. committees, corporatism, etc.

3)      Individual group or collective access

4)      Openness of deliberations to media and to the public

5)      Criteria for participation

 

 

5.      Style of participation and decision-making (3-4 pages). Different channels could be used as means of attaining the various goals of the participants in the process, and with varying degrees of effectiveness.  Intensive consultation processes could be launched to obtain better feedback from the political, as well as the professional, viewpoints on the policy area.  The method of consultation could be used most frequently by politicians or by civil servants seeking to avoid substantial revision of policy in the cabinet or even parliamentary stage. Involvement of stakeholders could be aimed in real consultations with them, but actually also in "pacification" or cooptation of certain groups or actors that have the potential to produce subsequent difficulties for the officials actors involved in the policy. The involvement of the social actors could be permanent, with written records and certain assignments of stakeholders, or it is functioning on the ad hoc basis as an arena for more or less informal deliberations. In various stages of the policy process, there could be dominant actors and less influential players, whereas the latter have minor impacts on the process, even if they may have formally powerful positions. The decision process itself could be more or less consensual, with a broad set of bilateral consultations; but it could also be competitive, aiming to win a majority, and in this case, the coalition building could be one of the most striking features of the process.

 

Therefore, in this part of the paper the authors should attempt to:

 

1)      Detail the styles of involvement of social actors

2)      Detail the role that civil servants play in shaping the participation of the social actors.

3)      Detail any changing roles of the actors at different stages of the policy process, especially as these affect the role of civil servants.

 

6.      Summary of findings and conclusions (2-3 pages). In this part of the authors are expected to give an estimation of the consequences of this kind of participation pattern, and generalize the possible reasons why the power of the various types of stakeholders, available channels of involvement in policy making, decision-making styles and logic of influence differed. The comparison of participation and interaction patterns across the time and/or policy sectors could reveal important emerging aspects of policy-making in the CEE countries. This analysis can also reveal important differences among these countries.  We expect that the authors will evaluate the effectiveness of these relationships in both programmatic and political terms. For  the political dimension of the analysis the principal issue is the effects of these interactions on public policies and also their relationships with political parties as they attempt to influence public policies.

 

The conclusion of the paper therefore should provide some preliminary conclusions about the politics of involving social actors in the policy process in the country.  This conclusion should take into account the difference among policy areas, or differences across time, and attempt to provide an analysis that focuses attention on the central features of the policy process in the country and the involvement of social actors, and especially the involvement of networks to the extent that they exist.

 

 

Comparative Analysis

 

In order to make the country studies more comparable, the authors are suggested to focus on these relationships in a limited number of policy areas. Potentially, the most interesting and controversial cases could be found from the following areas:  environmental policy, regulatory policy for the economy,  social/welfare policy, defense policy (in the context of integrating with the NATO), European Union affairs, taxation policy.  As well as attempting to deal with the policy areas as nominal fields, we will also attempt to develop more analytic versions of policy fields, focusing on the underlying features of the issues involved rather than just the title.  This may reveal some variance within the nominal policy areas.

 

This is actually the first attempt to develop more or less coherent research framework for analyzing these complex problems within the CEE countries. At current stage this presentation    should make possible to develop some beginning analyses of these complex problems and the politics that are associated with them. 

 

 

Please send suggestions for papers to:

 

Prof. Georg Sootla, Tallinn University of Educational Sciences), e-mail:[email protected]

 

Bernadette Connaughton (University of Limerick), e-mail:[email protected]

 



[1]These terms come from B. Guy Peters, The Politics of Bureaucracy, 5th edition. (London:  Routledge, 2000).